The Success and Decline of Domestic Direct Economic Interventionism
Since the 1940s France has been “inspired by a desire to modernise French industry in the wake of the Second World War,”[1] and developed a dirigiste economic model in which the state was responsible for modernising the economy for fears “that small businesses and antiquated firms would not be able to compete effectively against German and American firms as trade expanded in the post-war world, the French policy-makers of the 1940s and 1950s used the resources of the state to encourage French industry and agriculture to increase the scale of production through mergers and acquisitions, to shift capital and labour into high-technology sectors, and to eliminate less efficient producers in favour of firms that could prosper on international markets.”[2] President Charles de Gaulle, one of the architects of the plan described these firms as “national champions carrying the banner of
To implement the strategy, “the state established a planning system that set investment and production targets for major industrial sectors in consultation with leading firms, and successive governments used their influence over large, state-owned banks to channel resources to firms identified as most promising.”[5] There was a negative attitude toward foreign investment, with “discouragement, even opposition to the introduction of multinationals in
As Hall points out, the modernisation was highly successful for a prolonged period, as “the French economy grew faster than any other in
However, from the 1970s cracks started to show in the dirigiste model.
This was made worse by
Perez felt that “the French economy has suffered from overinvestment or delayed adjustment in certain sectors benefiting from protective measures, monopoly situations, or state financial aid.”[22] Godt agrees with Perez’s assertion that
It eventually became apparent to Mitterrand that “the post-war dirigiste policy program of state-led economic development was no longer doing what the Gaullist discourse of French economic prowess, growth, and grandeur had initially promised.”[30] And so in 1983 the Socialists accepted that “their policy was unsustainable economically, and jettisoned the discourse along with the policy program.” Schmidt argued that Mitterrand’s changes, unlike the changes brought about by Thatcher were “a matter of necessity, cognitively right but normatively difficult to legitimate, given its lack of fit with post-war socialist values.”[31]
The
With its guiding principles of Keynesian demand management providing both high employment and low inflation the
However, by the 1960s chancellors had become too confident about their abilities to control the economy, using inaccurate forecasts to estimate how the economy would perform and using imprecise policy instruments to anticipate them. This created what became known as the ‘Stop-Go Cycle’, where the government would constantly make very minor alterations to the economy in order to create the desired results.
Up until the 1970s there was little criticism of Keynesianism policies despite concerns with the Stop-Go Cycle, as there was stable inflation and it was considerably lower than the rate of growth. However, from the 1970s this appeared to be breaking down as inflation was starting to spiral out of control, creating stagflation, where both unemployment and inflation were increasing. Like
This spiral of inflation was worsened significantly by the oil crises and affected the
Like
However, it was not until Thatcher’s election in 1979 did monetarism gain ideological teeth, encouraged by the largest political swing since Clement Atlee’s Labour party in 1945. This gave the monetarist reformers the confidence to reduce the role of the state through a market based approach and so reduce the amount of economic interventionism. Infact, examining the far greater collapse in orthodox economics and the greater social friction occurring in the UK with the ‘Winter of Discontent’ that we may be able understand more clearly why the ideological shift in the UK was greater than in France.
Reform and Evolution of Domestic Economic Interventionism
The new imperatives of the French economy involved modernization and increased competition. There was a privatization of state banks and industrial enterprise and large deregulation. For example, there was virtually complete deregulation of prices, services, new rules on competition, reduced labour-market rigidities and the abolition of prior administrative approval for lay off and deregulation in the fields of transportation, telecommunication and energy. Hall suggested that the government moved away from macroeconomic interventionism to microeconomic policies, “aimed at the supply side of industry, to improve economic performance.”[35] However, Hall did emphasise that supply side policies were nothing new but the “nature of those policies has changed dramatically.”[36] There was also a shift from the larger ‘national champions’ to small enterprises which Hall felt were “much more effective creators of employment and often had a flexibility to weather macroeconomic storms that large firms lacked. As a result, an increasing share of the industrial budget has been earmarked for small enterprise.”[37]
These reforms resulted in a reduced burden on businesses, with a cut in corporate tax of nearly 20 billion francs[38] and the elimination of credit volume controls and an accelerated deregulation of the banking system. The transformation of banking was huge, with Godt finding it “none the less spectacular, given
Many French firms have experienced huge increases in productivity and are now the most profitable in continental
The French model has successfully moved away from its dirigiste past, with heavy state intervention, and the market’s increased role. However, in order to sweeten such sweeping reforms successive governments provided “interest-based incentives for those affected by economic restructuring.”[44] As Schmidt points out, “the Socialists did not in any way address the seemingly logical contradiction between an emphasis on belt-tightening neo-liberal policies and expansive social policies. But neither did subsequent governments, including the right-wing neo-liberal government in power between 1986 and 1988 which, despite the Thatcherite discourse, continued high social spending while reiterating its commitment to social solidarity even as it claimed to seek to increase individual responsibility, innovativeness and independence while engineering a retreat of the state.”[45]
In correcting the mistakes of focusing on industries with low skilled labour
Despite the end of dirigisme the contradiction of reduced economic interventionism but increased welfare highlight the fact that
Thatcher’s reforms were an attempt to make the UK a more self-reliant society, “from a give-it-to-me to a do-it-yourself nation; to a get-up-and-go instead of a sit-back-and-wait-for-it Britain,’ and the recognition that inequalities were necessary to encourage the ‘spirit of entrepreneurship’”[48] There was going to be no pussyfooting from such an ideologically driven government, with large levels of privatization from the 1980s in order to increase competition and shake up the market. There was also a movement away from the welfare state to a more laissez faire approach, as there was an ideological movement from equality to incentive focused equity.
However, a consequence of the privatisations was an explosion in the amount of regulation, to combat fears of market inefficiency and firms abusing their monopoly status, especially the utilities where there were concerns that the operators would abuse their social responsibility. Despite the decline in direct economic interventionism and social provisions the increase in regulation was creating problems, with the OECD concluding that “the regulatory task of designing a pro-competitive system of regulation based on the separation of potentially competitive and natural monopoly sections of this type of sector was an unfamiliar one for governments and presented enormous technical and economic difficulties.”[49] For instance, as a result of huge mutual and overlapping interests between regulators there were between 14,000 and 20,000 regulators in 1997, with annual costs between £700m, and £1bn.[50]
However, this issue was not tackled until 1999 when the Labour Government merged departments, such as the electricity and gas regulators and unified fire safety. There was also a move from the more aggressive style of giving demands to firms and public organisations to the “light touch enforcement of regulation.”[51] Hood described it as an aspiration to combine “the iron fist of Draconian central interventionism with the velvet glove of self-regulation,”[52] As a result there was a transfer of the main thrust of legislative effort onto areas of higher risk and underperformance and areas of low risk or strong performance were given less stringent reviews. For example, in 1997 OFSTEAD (the regulator for education) allowed plans for less stringent inspection of the best performing schools. This streamlining of policy although resulting in less regulatory interventionism actually turned the threat of regulation into a policy tool and thus the government could use threat of regulation as a means to intervene in the economy.
Since the Major Government there have been experiments with Public Finance Initiatives, whereby the marketplace is used to provide public goods in refuse collection, hospitals, prisons and more recently the London Underground. Although this measure is intended as a withdrawal of the governments role in society the agreements, regulation and government aid result in more economic interventionism than even privatization. For example, the government is obliged to bail out companies with huge losses, such as the part privatised air traffic control system (NATS) which received £30m in 2002 as a result of reduced passenger numbers following the September 11th terrorist attacks.
The first act of the Labour Government was to announce the independence of the Bank of England in order to wash its hands of errors such as the Lawson boom and leave control of monetary policy in the hands of the experts rather than interfering politicians. There has also been no intervening in the exchange rate as a result of the Major Government being burned in 1992, so now governments find it difficult to hide poor economic performance with devaluations.
New Labour was not concerned with reversing the monetarists’ economic shift significantly when they came to power in 1997, and was prepared to “junk Keynes wholesale and accept the new right consensus that budget deficit manipulation only disturbs the natural rhythms of the economy”[53] and also being “no longer committed to universal state ownership and the re-nationalisation of the privatized utilities, but rather stresses the importance of firms and industries which are recognised as world-class competitors in several sectors, characterised by high technology (R&D intensive) and high value-added processes and skills.”[54] The commitment from a left wing government to not directly intervening in the economy shows a clear signal that old style economic interventionism is dead, although the regulatory effects is its adept replacement, especially more so than France considering the more developed nuances in the UK.
However, there has been a shift towards welfare again, with the introduction of the minimum wage and the New Deal. Despite this the increases in welfare are not as significant as in
Effects of the EU on Economic Interventionism
Since the 1990s the growth of European policy developments “began to conflict significantly with dominant perceptions of French state identity and ideological constructions,”[56] as European Competition policy clashed with the “dominant French perceptions of appropriate state intervention in the economy.”[57] The creation of the single continental market in 1992 removed 300 barriers to trade in
However, Howarth disagrees, suggesting that “European integration and policy developments (for example, the creation of CAP) were acceptable to the extent that they served French economic and foreign policy objectives and reinforced – or at least did not undermine or fundamentally alter – traditional dominant perceptions of French state identity.”[60] The response of
Thatcher’s approach to
Blair’s commitment to European integration was more evident with his granting the Bank of England independence and opting into the Social Chapter of the Maastricht Treaty. However, the legacy of euro scepticism following Black Wednesday has prevented Blair from making strong moves towards joining the euro or taking as strong a lead in
The
This report was written by Jonathan McHugh in March 2005
[1] Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p171
[2] Ibid. p173
[3] Ibid. p174
[4] Ibid.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Godt Policy Making in
[7] Godt Policy Making in
[8] Godt Policy Making in
[9] Godt Policy Making in
[10] Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p174
[11] Godt Policy Making in
[12] Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p174
[13] Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p175
[14] Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p175
[15] Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p174
[16] Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p174
[17] Godt Policy Making in
[18] Perez S.A Systemic Explanations, Divergent Outcomes: The Politics of Financial Liberalization in
[19] Perez S.A Systemic Explanations, Divergent Outcomes: The Politics of Financial Liberalization in
[20] Flanagan R, Soskice DW and Ulman L Unionism, Economic Stabilization and Incomes Polices: European Experience.(Brookings Institution). p23
[21] Perez S.A Systemic Explanations, Divergent Outcomes: The Politics of Financial Liberalization in
[22] Perez S.A Systemic Explanations, Divergent Outcomes: The Politics of Financial Liberalization in
[23] Godt Policy Making in
[24] Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p175
[25] Zysman, J Governments, Markets and Growth (
[26] Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p175
[27] Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p181
[28] cited from Godt Policy Making in France (Pinter Publishers London and
[29] Godt Policy Making in
[30]
[31]
[32] Curwen P, Hartley K, Hooper N and Marshall P Understanding the
[33]
[34] Smith D The Rise and Fall of Monetarism (Pelican). 1988. p65
[35] Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p181
[36] Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p181
[37] Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p182
[38] Godt Policy Making in
[39] Godt Policy Making in
[40] Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p178
[41] Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p180
[42] Cited from Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p178
[43] Milner S Globalisation and Employment in
[44]
[45]
[46] Cited from Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p179
[47] Peter Hall, Jack Hayward and Howard Machin Developments in French Politics (The Machmillan Press Ltd) 1994. p179
[48] Hedetoft, Ulf and Hiss, Hanne Taking Stock of Thatechism (Department of Languages and International Studies) 1991
[49] OECD Regulatory Policies in OECD Countries: From Interventionism to Regulatory Governance (
[50] Cited from OECD Regulatory Policies in OECD Countries: From Interventionism to Regulatory Governance (
[51] Regulatory Reform: The Government’s Action Plan Internet (www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/regulation) 2003.
[52] Hood, James and Scott Regulation of Government: Has it Increased, is it Increasing, Should it be Diminished? (Blackwell Publishers Ltd) 2000. p283
[53] Arestis P and Sawyer M The Economic Analysis Underlining the ‘
[54] Curwen P, Hartley K, Hooper N and Marshall P Understanding the
[55] Kelly R Response to Will Hutton (Political Quarterly) 1998. p103
[56] Howarth D The European Policy of the Jospin Government: A New Twist to Old French Games (Modern and Contemporary
[57] Howarth D The European Policy of the Jospin Government: A New Twist to Old French Games (Modern and Contemporary
[58] Hall P,
[59] Hall P,
[60] Howarth D The European Policy of the Jospin Government: A New Twist to Old French Games (Modern and Contemporary
[61] Howarth D The European Policy of the Jospin Government: A New Twist to Old French Games (Modern and Contemporary
[62] Howarth D The European Policy of the Jospin Government: A New Twist to Old French Games (Modern and Contemporary
[63] Levy J. D. France: directing adjustment, in Scharof F. and V. Schmidt Welfare and
Work in the Open Economy. Volume II. Diverse Responses to Common Challenges (
University Press) 2000. p. 331
[64]
[65] Busch, Andreas Central bank independence and the
European Politics). 1994. p53–72.